The Homeless. By Christopher Jencks. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1994. 161 p. $17.95 (p).

Christopher Jencks has written a highly readable, occasionally acerbic, essay carefully analyzing and modifying where warranted the most popular explanations for the rise and persistence of homelessness in the United States. Drawing upon the work of others like Martha Burt and Peter Rossi and upon available Census and survey data collected by government agencies, Jencks revisits many of the standard questions in the field: how many homeless are there? what roles have deinstitutionalization of mental health facilities and the availability of crack cocaine played in the continuing crisis? to what extent and in what ways has the economic restructuring contributed to breakdowns in family structures that have resulted in homelessness? how have changes in the housing market, including the destruction of single-room occupancy units, the imposition of higher housing quality standards and the use of rent control laws contributed to homelessness?

In each of these instances, Jencks wrestles with certain weaknesses he finds in standard arguments, sometimes reaching conclusions different from those espoused by other scholars. Thus, he argues that deinstitutionalization of the mentally ill continues to be a major contributor to homelessness because of the insistence of civil libertarians on eliminating involuntary commitment. Jencks seems to relish taking the occasional iconoclastic positions on this issue and others such as his speculations about how the creation of a network of shelters and other support structures for the homeless may have contributed to homelessness (by making it easier for those Rossi has called "precariously housed" to leave uncomfortable living situations or for relatives or friends who have provided them with space to force them out).

In place of the shelter industry, Jencks recommends a series of "partial solutions" to deal with various sub-sets of the homeless. For families with children, Jencks would provide greater welfare and housing benefits. At the same time he is realistic about the high costs of getting single mothers off welfare and the likely unwillingness of American society to pay those costs. With regard to mentally capable childless adults, Jencks is not terribly optimistic that expenditures on job training will yield much success, given the contemporary American economy. His only suggestions are the creation of a mixture of publicly-managed day-labor exchanges to serve the private market and the resuscitation of public service employment. Jencks also advocates bringing back private residential spaces for individuals, even if the result is the cubicle hotels of an earlier era. However, he recognizes that guaranteeing such spaces to individuals might not only meet the needs of some of the current homeless, but might encourage other individuals to become homeless and would require many localities to change their municipal housing codes, perhaps in the face of neighborhood opposition.

Even if society were prepared to support these policy approaches to dealing with the mentally capable, questions remain about how to treat the mentally ill. More than many civil libertarians, Jencks takes an interventionist approach to directing the behaviors of the mentally ill both in how they use public benefits and how much freedom they are to be accorder in remaining outside institutionalized care. At the same time, he is willing to spend a greater portion of societal resources to make sure the mentally ill receive the services they need. While Jencks concedes that we have not done a good job of evaluating the effectiveness of such services, he ultimately argues that society has a "moral contract" to do what it can "to reconcile the claims of compassion and prudence" (p.122).

David B. Rosenthal
State University of New York at Buffalo